Week 13

In the reading “Turning the Gendered Politics of the Security State Inside out” by Paul Amar we are introduced to the gendered sexual harassment regimes in Egypt and the complacency of some Egyptian officers. He discusses the mass protest that occurred January 25- February 11 as well to highlight the work and commitment women activist have in battling against sexual assault. Amar starts the article by giving us an example on how western media pins these sexual harassment problems within the “culture” and not the institution. A woman reporter from the U.S who was a victim of sexual harassment was saved by young Egyptian political activist, yet Fox news in particular left this important point out. Instead, they focused on emphasizing Egypt was not yet ready for modernity or a real democracy. This western viewed rhetoric is continuous. Another important issue is hypersensibility. Amar explains hypersensibility with women and how that is dangerous for their safety, “ Paradoxically, when subjects are hypervisibilized, they remain invisible as social beings: they are not recognizable as complex, legitimate, participatory subjects or citizens” (305).  This means that women compared to the institutional system are seen as objects therefore there safety isn’t a priority. Women started unifying and expressing their demands for safety and to expose the corrupt system. The security state responded by trying to dismantle the work of these women by portraying these women were terrorist. They had people dress in plain colored clothing and yell and act extremely against these women in order to blur and take the attention off of the seriousness of the protest. This was another example of the gendered politics controlled not by a culture but by the institution of the security state. Overall this article introduced the problematic way women were hypersexualized and targeted.  If a woman protested she would immediately be sexualized and juridically be categorized as a prostitute, meaning the system was trying to prevent these women from organizing and having their voices heard.

Week 13

In our reading, "Turning the Gendered Politics of the Security State Inside Out" by Paul Amar he talks about women who have been sexually assaulted by the police and how that it is something that they should not even take anymore. Women are standing up trying to start anti-harassment projects, by they have taken legal gender doctrines and have used them to start campaigns that fight for equality for all. 

These women are taught to stand up to their attackers and take them to court if possible, like Nuha Rushdi who was the first women to get a sexual assault case in court. She and her lawyers got the Sheriff who pulled her over, three years in prison, as well as a fine. This is a large step forward for the movement as laws are still attempted to be more strict. There are new framing being pushed by Rushdi and El-Nadeem Center that critiques "masculinist prerogative" and promotes anti-harassment. 

For this change to happen more attention needs to be drawn to it. At the end of the article the UN suggest a march on Women's Day and I think that would help draw international attention and bring more support and attention from all over the world especially here in the United States. The more attention drawn, I think we will then see more progress towards equality. 

Week 13: Turning the Gendered Politics of the Security State Inside Out

In the article Turning the Gendered Politics of the Security State Inside Out, Paul Amar shines light on the efforts by women subjected to assault by police officers to sue and protest against them for sexual harassment.  Throughout his piece he takes a gentle approach to investigate the complications of feminist activities in Egypt as well as their complex interlocking with many diverse Egyptian social institutions. There is a common framework that women are trying to seize their human rights against the “illiberal” Middle-Eastern state (and man) and Amar makes sure not to feed into such a foundation.

One quote in the opening of Amar’s article is said by Asmaa Mahfouz, who is a young woman leader who leads a protest in Tahrir Square. She steers away from the “woman-victim” role to decry human rights and plead police protection. Instead she describes herself as an “Egyptian on fire” who has a burning rage for a revolution to bring peace among woman. Asmaa Mahfouz and many other Egyptian individuals are tired of being harassed (especially sexually) by those in higher state positions, and they are fed up with their revolutionary passion being labeled as hysterical and crazy. The baltagi-effect was prevalent during many of the protests, and it is characterized by “plain-clothed thugs” and deputized police flooding the area of protests and wreaking havoc to create inner conflict within the protest. Not only did this terrorize protestors, but it also generated new negative images for domestic and international media. This fed into the already common belief that protestors were “crazed mobs of brutal men, vaguely ‘Islamist’ and fiercely irrational” (Amar 308).

Amar’s article attempts to undermine the classic framework by which Western scholars have viewed gender in the Middle East, similar to Abu-Lughod and Saba Mahmood’s articles. I think if the West is so committed to helping those in Muslim countries then we first need to take a deeper look into what real problems are taking place within the Muslim community instead making assumptions of the problems based on what we hear/see in media.

Week 11 Honor Killings and Udating Empires

Dicle Kogacioglu talked about honor killings in Turkish society. Honor killings are crimes in which women are murdered by male family members in order to prevent shame or dishonor from coming into their families. Women were murdered for reasons such refusal of a arranged marriages and ethnic switching. In Dicle's case, women were murdered because of their sexual behavior. Dicle disapproves the fact that honor killings are viewed as a "tradition culture" and due to the tradition effect, which is the repeating of honor killings preformed by other families, women were losing their rights. Dicle also disapproves how law institutions reduces sentences for murders compared to regular sentences. It also depends on the crime. For example, Article 51 can reduce prison sentences by two-thirds if the murderer was suffering grief during the crime. Article 462 reduces prison sentences to eight years instead of twenty-four. That means the suspect can leave prison early and kill another woman if she did an "dishonorable" crime.

In Cynthia Enloe's reading, she talked about military abuse and the fact that women were not seen in politics. Women were mostly seen in places such as brothels and factories and  are seen as third world women. It was interesting to know that women wanted their own constitution in order to gain women rights. The first was education; the second was freedom of speech; third was the right to vote; fourth was equal representation; fifth was equal judgements; sixth was equal pay rates; seventh was property rights; eighth was, relating back to Dicle's reading, rights of criminal charges against men for abuse; ninth was selling women; tenth was marriageable age change; eleventh was the right to divorce; and twelfth was the right to remarry.

My questions is relating to the seventh proposal of the constitution, why the law prevents women ownership of land and what kind of effect did they think it would have in institutions eyes? Does law institutions have their own supreme court? 

Week 11: Enloe and Kogacioglu

“The Tradition Effect: Framing Honor Crimes in Turkey” looks at the ways in which institutions such as as Turkish laws, international media and the EU perpetuate the continuing of honor crimes. Kogacioglu challenges the notion that traditions are solely a cultural phenomenon and separate from these institutions. When it comes to Turkey’s admission into the EU, for example, policies about men and women are subject to “gender mainstreaming,” and honor crimes subsequently fall from the forefront of attention, showing how the EU’s complacency in weak policies uphold honor crimes. International media, as well, creates the dichotomies of the Middle East in opposition to Europe, medieval in opposition to modern, the West in opposition to the non-West, etc. By calling honor crimes a tradition and framing them as something susceptible to spreading, the media puts Turkey into the uncivilized category of countries.

“Updating the Gendered Empire: Where Are the Women in Occupied Afghanistan and Iraq?” discusses how the military is another institution that has harmful effects on women. Masculinity is pertinent to nation-building, so we get very masculine notions of what danger and security are. The military is an institution that upholds these gendered notions of the nation but doesn’t make women safe. The U.S., in trying to build an empire, also plays a role in upholding the patriarchal aspects of the military.

My question for this week is: would it be effective to simply inject more women into these institutions so that they have a voice? What exactly should be done to try to undo what these institutions are doing?

Enloe & Kogacioglu readings

In Cynthia Enloe’s piece “Updating Gendered Empire” she discusses the dynamics of an empire and how it is strongly influenced by gender which favors men. She explains the  history of the Iraq invasion in order to put her main points into play. In 2003 the Bush administration invaded Iraq and had a very strong presence. Enloe focuses on subjects like security, danger and combat and invites us to think who gets to define these terms and well as how is masculinity affecting these terms. Throughout the reading it’s made clear that women’s best interest and rights weren’t on the agenda. Although, it’s made to seem the military was there for the freedom of women this dynamic was only to deepen the military regimes sense of masculine control. Enloe explains, “When U.S policy-makers in Washington selected Ismail Khan and his fellow Northern Alliance anti-modernist regional commanders as their most promising allies, they did not employ “the empowerment of Afghan women” a their chief criterion”(282). In the reading women’s lack of liberation was evident as well as the need for male leaders to control every aspects of women’s life in order to feel like they’re sustaining power.

In Dicle Kogacioglu essay “The Tradition Effect: Framing Honor Crimes in Turkey” she discusses how the women are viewed in society, the pressure of honor for these women and how certain institutions view these honor crimes as well as how they handle them. An honor crime is the murder of a woman because she has brought shame onto her family because of sexual actions. Third world feminist believe the main issue is being ignored and instead people are connecting these killings to tradition. These feminist believe power structures and gender inequality are to blame. Another critical aspect is the family rubric and its great importance in Turkey which highlighted throughout the reading. In Kogacioglu’s piece she discusses the way women’s individuality is connected to the family. Reason is the woman is seen as the educator for the family, therefore is the mobilizer for a greater society. This means women lack individuality and instead are connected to the family, their worth is family worth. She also discusses Turkey in regards to to the E.U and how honor crimes are seen. Honor crimes are in the category of mid-range issues. The reading addresses the numerous amounts of committees that work for women’s right in particular honor crimes, but emphasizes the lack of urgent care as explained, “ Yet, to this day, the Parliamentary Commission has not prepared a report or a resolution on honor crimes. Without such a resolution, the issue gets less attention in the European Commission”(135). This shows the awareness of the parliament but also highlights the lack of importance given to these honor crimes and instead pinning this social issue as a Turkish political issue.

Overall, in both readings the writer’s explained the masculine agenda as well as how its practiced and it’s effects in society particularly with women. Enloe gives us a look into the politics of the Bush administration and its lack of effort to empower women because of its masculine military regime. She  also, gave us an example of a beauty salon being a place of political forum for these women. The symbolism of the salon is important  because it’s a place where these women can communicate and spread knowledge for empowerment. Kogacioglu piece focuses on Turkey and its honor crimes particularly on the lack of government support on women’s issue. Both readings highlight the lack of importance for women in order to mobilize a power structure of military regime.

Week 11

Dicle Kogacioglu talks about honor crimes and their role in Turkish society. This is when family members of a women kill her because they do not approve of her sexual actions. This is considered to be a "tradition" in turkish culture. Kogacioglu does not agree with this idea, saying that if men were put in the same position then it would not be be justified. The Turkish government should not allow this "tradition" because it is wrong and not a humane or justifiable "tradition". She talks about how mens right take first priority over women, and the government is an abuse of power by letting these killings continue.

Our next reading by Cynthia Enloe talks about how Iraq and Afghanistan the government and how the military abuses its power, she wants to bring our attention to this serious matter. She talks about how women in the United States, are not usually actively seen and are not included in the policies that are carried out. Women are not seen in the US military when dealing with other forces, and that message is put out that they have no interest in giving women and more power.

Both of these articles discuss the unfair treatment of women in their societies and show where they deserve to have equal treatment. Both readings justify this unfair treatment and women deserve and should be able to have a fair say and treatment by their government. My question is, Where can people start in these societies, and have an actual impact so that women can have equal rights?